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Afrocentricity: Toward a
New Understanding of African Thought in the World
by Molefi Kete Asante
Africa has been betrayed by international
commerce and trade.
Africa has been often betrayed
by the new science of the genetics of food, and the unequal distribution
of resources.
Africa has been betrayed by missionaries
and imams who have called our own priests and priestesses false
while holding up Africa’s enemies as our saviors.
Africa has been betrayed by education,
the Academy, and the structure of knowledge imposed by the Western
world
Africa has often been betrayed
by its own leaders who have shown a talent for imitating the worst
habits and behaviors of Europe.
Africa has often been betrayed
by the ignorance of its own people of its past. Africans are, consequently,
the most betrayed of contemporary humans.
People so often betrayed must take
a serious look at their own approach to phenomena, to life, to existence,
to knowledge. The betrayals do not have to continue, nor must we
resign Africa to the trash heaps of history as some contemporary
Africanists and non Africanists have claimed.
A continent and a people with such
incredible potential can rise to meet any challenge, but our thoughts
must become truly our own thoughts, separated from the enslaving
thoughts of those who have sought racial domination. Of course,
when I speak like this, I am speaking of Africa in the context and
spirit of Marcus Garvey. I accept that the African world is not
merely a geographical entity but a world entity whether by our own
making or as is most probable by the making of the assaults and
attacks and aggressions against African people. We are found in
every continent and we occupy positions of influence in countries
as widely separated as Brazil and the United Kingdom.
My aim is to help lay out a plan
for the recovery of African place, respectability, accountability,
and leadership.
The theme of this conference takes
us to the very core of the future of human interaction by seeking
to examine Western knowledge, its structure, its relationship to
conquest and domination, and its prosecution as an instrument to
retain a white racial hierarchy in the world.
We know that Africans have thought
about the universe longer than any other people. The people of the
world have been black longer than any other color.
In fact philosophy itself originated
in Africa and the first philosophers in the world were Africans.
The African tradition is intertwined
with the earliest thought.
Yet from the beginning of Europe’s
interest in Africa the European writers referred to ancient African
works as "Wisdom Literature," in an effort to negatively
distinguish African thinking from European thinking. They could
not conceive of Africans as having philosophy.
Philosophy was meant, in their
minds, to indicate a kind of reflection that was possible only with
the Greeks. They constructed a Greece that was miraculous, built
on the foundation of a racial imagination that established a white
European superiority in everything.
Since philosophy was seen during
the neo-classical period of European history as the source of all
other arts and sciences, philosophy was the chief discipline. They
saw it in the context of Darwinism where even knowledge was structured
hierarchically. Indeed, I still remember how in the southern United
States, during my childhood, the whites prohibited Africans from
operating large machinery because it was considered much too intellectual
for blacks.
Numerous European writers glorified
the achievements of the mind of the Greeks. A Greek stood at the
door of every science in the European mind. There were no secrets
that had not been discovered by the Greeks. They owed allegiances
to no one. They were immaculate, without blemish, isolated from
every other people as the standard by which the world was to be
judged.
Whether in art or science, in sculptor
or mathematics, in astronomy or literature, they had no equal and
were without antecedents.
However, according to the tradition
of Western thought, it was in philosophy that the Greeks excelled.
As Theophile Obenga says, others may have had religion, stories,
wise sayings, and wisdom literature but the Greeks had philosophy.
This was the highest of all disciplines and it was only through
the minds of whites that philosophy came to the world.
Yet we know that the word philosophy
is not Greek, although it came through the Greeks to English and
other European languages. Seba, wisdom, the ancient Mdw Ntr
word is the earliest example of reflective thinking. In fact, on
the tomb of Antef I, 2052 B.C. we see the first mention of wisdom.
The word sophia, wisdom
in Greek, is derived from the more ancient word seba, the
African word. To say in Greek "philo" is to say brother
or lover. One normally says that a philosopher is "a lover
of wisdom." But the ancient Africans had come to this understanding
long before there was even a nation of Greeks.
Indeed the first serious thinkers
or philosophers were not Greeks. This means that not only is the
word philosophy not Greek, the practice of philosophy is not Greek,
but African.
Thales who lived around 600 BC
is usually thought of as the first Greek philosopher. Some claim
that it was Pythagoras, who was a younger contemporary of Thales,
but I claim, with most Greek scholars that it was Thales since he
is said to have told a young Pythagoras "You must do as I have
done and go to Egypt to learn philosophy from the Egyptians."
Advice which Pythagoras followed and went to Egypt, spending twenty
three years at the feet of such venerable African teachers as Wennofer.
There were several select places
where various aspects of philosophy such as social ethics, natural
laws, metaphysics, and medicine were taught. One could study at
the Temple of Ptah at Men-nefer, at the Temple of Bast at Bubastis,
at the Temple of Hatheru at Dendera, at the Ausarion at Abydos,
at the Temple of Amen at Waset, at the Temple of Heru at Edfu, at
the Temple of Ra at On, and the Temple of Auset at Philae. Indeed,
scholars and others could assemble at scores of other sites from
Siwa to Esna for intellectual discussion and discourse. No city,however,
was as rich in temples and schools as Waset where the temples of
Amenhotep III, Seti I, Nefertari, Hatshepsut, Tuthmoses III, Mentuhotep,
and the Ramesseum were in full flourishing from the Middle Kingdom
to the New Kingdom period. Kemet, the ancient name of Egypt, was
not without a considerable body of thought that had been amassed
over many centuries. By the time the Greeks starting coming to Egypt
as students in the 7th and 8th centuries the philosophers of Egypt
had already created vast libraries of histories, science, politics,
and religion.
Here along the Nile River Africans
thought about the nature of the universe, the condition of good
and evil, human relations, the administration of society, the character
of the afterlife, the idea of beauty and the nature of the divine
with intense reflection. I am not here interested on the impact
Africa had on Europe or the influence that Kemet had on Greece.
In fact I believe that it is time we wrest the study of early Africa
from any comparison with Europe because Europe is not in the same
league with its antiquity. We will become far more insightful about
our own cultures as we gain deeper knowledge of our own societies
in relationship to continuities, migrations, land tenure philosophy,
family relationships, governance, writing styles and techniques,
and the nature of morality in African terms.
Perhaps one day the names of the
earliest philosophers will be as familiar to us as the names of
the Greek philosophers are to us today. Why shouldn’t the world
know the names of the philosophers who set the stage for human civilization?
Imhotep, 2700 BC, earliest personality
recorded in history. Like the later personalities of Socrates and
Jesus nothing of his writing remains, but we know that he understood
volume and space, because he was the builder of the first pyramid,
the Sakkara pyramid. He was the first philosopher, the first physician,
the first architect, and the first counselor to a king recorded
in history. The reports of his life and his work on the walls of
temples and in papyri indicate the esteem in which he was held.
- Ptahhotep, 2414 BC, first ethical philosopher.
He believed that life consisted of making harmony and peace
with nature. All discourse on the relationship between humans
and nature must give credit to the life of Ptahhotep.
- Kagemni, 2300 BC, the first teacher of right
action for the sake of goodness rather than personal advantage,
came upon the human scene as an African philosopher nearly eighteen
hundred years before Buddha.
- Merikare, 1990 BC, valued the art of good
speech. His classical teachings on good speech were recorded
and passed down from generation to generation.
- Sehotepibre, 1991 BC, the first philosopher
who espoused a sort of nationalism based in allegiance and loyalty
to a political leader.
- Amenemhat, 19991 BC, the world’s first cynic.
He expressed a cynical view of intimates and friends, warning
that one must not trust those who are close to you.
- Amenhotep, son of Hapu, 1400 BC, was the most
revered of the ancient Kemetic philosophers. Next to Imhotep,
he was the epitome of the philosopher. They people deified him
as a god, as they had deified Imhotep, long before Jesus. He
was called the most knowledgeable thinker of his day.
- Duauf, 1340 BC, was seen as the master of
protocols. He is concerned with reading books for wisdom, the
first intellectual in philosophical history. Reading he said
was the best way to train the mind.
- Amenemope 1290 BC promoted the philosophy
of manners, etiquette, and success.
- Akhenaten, 1300 BC, promoted Aton as the Almighty
One God.
All these philosophers were hundreds
of years before any Greek philosopher. Indeed, Homer, the first
Greek to write something that was intelligible lived around 800
BC. But he was not a philosopher. He traveled and studied in Africa.
- Kung Fu Tzu, 551 BC, the great Chinese philosopher,
who believed that humans could make the Way great, lived much
later than the African philosophers. But Kung Fu Tzu was a contemporary
of
- Siddartha Buddha, 563 BC, the Indian philosopher
lived about the same time and Isocrates who lived around 550
BC.
Now as an Afrocentrist I approach
the construction of knowledge from the standpoint of Africans as
agents in the world, actors, not simply the spectators to Europe.
Since Afrocentricity constitutes a new way of examining data, a
novel orientation to data, it carries with it assumptions about
the current state of the African world. One assumes for example
that Africans are frequently operating intellectually, philosophically,
and culturally off of African terms and therefore are dislocated,
detached, isolated, decentered, or disoriented. One assumes also
that this state is useful economically and politically for the West
and not so useful for Africa and Africans. There is, consequently,
a difference in opinions about the value of Afrocentricity. Those
who have kept us off center seek to improve their position on our
intellectual and philosophical grounds by cutting the ground from
under any movement that teaches Africans to view themselves as centered
agents in the world, not marginals to Europe.
What are the issues that are so
hotly debated by Stephen Howe in his book Afrocentrism or by the
French reactionaries Francois-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar, Jean-Pierre
Chretien and Claude-Helene Perrot in their attacks in the recently
published Afrocentrismes. Of course, already I have responded to
quite a lot of critics in my book, The Painful Demise of Eurocentrism.
But what is it that scares so many white scholars and many black
white scholars? As a cultural configuration the Afrocentric idea
is distinguished by five characteristics:
(1) an intense interest in psychological
location as determined by symbols, motifs, rituals, and signs.
A few weeks ago I was driving down
a lone country road deep into the interior of Ghana and came across
a small village of six or seven houses and a church. The church
was the most beautifully cared for structure in the little settlement
and right over the front door was a large picture of a white Jesus.
Nothing illustrates for me more than this the intractable problem
of misapplied agency, of deep dislocation. There is no referent
for this situation except the domination of Europe in the mind of
Africa. Nothing else can be said or ought to be said about it. It
cannot and should not be gainsaid, argued, or debated, but it must
be eradicated.
I believe that signs, symbols,
rituals and ceremonies are useful for societies, and furthermore,
I accept that societies are held together or disintegrated on the
basis of symbols. We go to war over symbols, we fight over proper
rituals of respect, and we find our lives enriched by the memories
of those who have achieved heroic stature by standing for what we
stand for. In the United States we have fought a battle with the
State of South Carolina, the first state to declare itself independent
of the United States during the Civil War during the last century,
now it has become one of the last states to give up the Confederate
Flag which stood for slavery, injustice, bigotry, and white racial
domination of Africans. Many white South Carolinians have argued
that the flag is a symbol of their ancestors’ fight against the
government and they believe that it should stand on the grounds
of the state capitol. Of course, we Africans, descendants of the
enslaved, see it as a symbol of vicious racism. The debate is over
the symbol as an engender of hatred and bigotry for a united society
or as a particular instrument to encourage repression of a minority.
We are clear that the aim of the symbol of the Confederate flag
is not community unity, it is divisive, intentionally divisive.
Here in the United Kingdom, you know too well the tyranny of racial
and religious hegemony and the forcing of particular symbols and
rituals of power down the throats of others.
But my aim, back to my point, is
to show that the very intense concern the Afrocentrist has with
psychological dislocation, that is, where a person’s psyche is out
of sorts with his or her own historical reality, is a legitimate
issue for any African corrective. You cannot have an African building
a church in the heart of Ivory Coast that is larger than St. Peter’s
in Rome without wondering what do we Africans think of our own ancestors?
A one hundred or two hundred million dollar shrine to an African
deity might have changed forever the religious respect for Africa.
But a people who do not respect their own gods should not ever expect
respect from anyone. I am saying this as one who is not religious.
I am talking pure symbolism here, pure rationalism, not irrationality,
but common sense. If you are not going to use the money as you should
to improve the health conditions of African people, the educational
standards, and the economic circumstances, then by God, use it to
showcase your own ancestors, not to compete with Rome for who can
build the largest European building in Africa.
Europe has had no problem asserting
its hegemony over everything on earth. Huntington claimed (p. 81)
that the West
- Owned the international banking system
- Controlled all hard currencies
- Provided the majority of the world’s finished
products
- Exerted moral authority over other leaders
- Was capable of massive military intervention
- Controlled the sea lanes
- Conducted most advanced technical research
- Dominated access to space
- Dominated aerospace
- Dominated international communications
- Dominated high tech weapons production
We seek neither hegemony nor domination
of others, we abhor the idea that one group should impose its will
on others against their wills. Yet it is just this deliberate insistence
on the part of whites to hold hegemony over Africans that has caused
so much racial friction and unrest. Not only has the time run out
on this type of domination, there is no longer a willing audience
for it. But the lingering effects of more than three hundred years
of psychological and cultural domination have left us off of economic
and political terms.
(2) a commitment to finding the
subject-place of Africans in any social, political, economic,
or religious phenomenon with implications for questions of sex,
gender, and class.
The Afrocentrist is committed to
the idea that Africans are agents in the world and therefore should
not be viewed as spectators. But even more, I recognize that people
can be seen as agents, but can have misdirected agency, a problem
of immense proportions. You do not have to be white to serve those
interests in the United States, you can be black and serve hegemonic
interests against blacks. Today, a black ultra conservative serves
as vice presidential candidate on the Reform Party ticket with Pat
Buchanan, one of the most threatening throwbacks to the Neanderthalian
age in American politics. There are always a few wobbly ducks who
cackle on command from those who seek hegemony.
So the problem of Africans being
moved off of terms is a world wide issue. It is not simply an American
or a British issue, it plagues Africans in Canada as well as those
in Australia. It raises its head everyday in South Africa and Nigeria,
in Ghana and Cote d’Ivoire. Everywhere we are confronted with the
possibilities of being moved to the margins, yet the task of our
generation is to resist hegemony from morning till night. We can
only do it, however, by seeking the subject place in everything.
We remain one of the few people who have allowed others to become
experts on our history and our ancestors; this is the source of
our confusion. The Ghanaian often refers you to Rattray for information
on Asante customs and some Nigerians still believe that Lady Lugard’s
A Tropical Dependency says everything about Nigeria.
Afrocentrists take a strong view
that racial, sexual, gender, and class discrimination and exploitation
must be condemned outright and forthrightly. All Afrocentric analysis
is a critique on domination. Furthermore, all Afrocentric analysis
is a critique on hierarchy and patriarchy because the analysis stems
from all forms of oppression.
(3) a defense of African cultural
elements as historically valid in the context of art, music,
and literature.
Since Europe has asserted Greece
as the standard by which it judges and evaluates all things cultural,
Africa finds it difficult, within this context, to speak of its
own classical art, music, and literature. To say beautiful and mean
only a European conception is to distort reality. It is only one
conception. Michelangelo’s David is one way to look at a man, it
is not the only way. The ritual dances of hegemony are often dazzling
in their portrayal of Europe as the standard by which all others
should be judged. The rhythms, however, are jagged, and imprecise.
To say classical art, classical
music, or classical dance, cannot mean only European art, music,
and dance, and be meaningful in the world context. Any cultural
form worthy of emulation is classical for a particular history.
There is every reason to speak of classical Akan or classical Yoruba
or classical African American forms of art, dance, or literature
as there is to speak of any European form. The problem here with
our understanding is the deafening tones of white insistence on
its own values as universal when in fact they are regional, particular,
though exported internationally. As King Lobenguela puzzled over
the Scottish missionaries interest in bringing their god to the
Ndebele, he said to Moffat, "we have our own god, Nkulunkulu,
and you have yours. Why do you want us to have yours?" Of course,
Samuel Huntington said that the European world was not smartest
or brightest but the most "willing to use violence to bring
about its political will." King Lobenguela’s time was short;
soon he had a flood of whites in his kingdom teaching "servants
to be obedient to your masters."
(4) a celebration of "centeredness"
and agency and a commitment to lexical refinement that eliminates
pejoratives about Africans or other people.
There is an Australian poem that
was taught in successive editions to primary school children in
that country which reminded white Australians that
"We won our land from a nerveless
race,
Too mean for their land to fight;
If we mean to hold it we too must face
The adage that might makes right."
This is how people are uprooted
against their wills. But Europe makes no apologies to these peoples
and whites have made no apologies in the United States for robbing
the indigenous nations of their lands. In Africa, they sought to
rob the land but found it overpowering and the people resilient
on the land of their ancestors, yet Europe left an entire continent
moved off of center, off of its own terms, and has repeatedly spoken
of a failed Africa, a tired Africa, a HIV-infected Africa, a sick
Africa, a despised Africa, and an Africa that cannot get its act
together. Of course, for us, Africa must be convinced to do three
things: (1) return to a strong sense of cultural identity, (2) create
international networks of Africans on the continent and trans-continentally
to cooperate on a global level, and (3) place emphasis on teaching
children to leap-frog old technologies and finding ways to exploit
the new information possibilities with vigor.
In this way we will celebrate centeredness
and agency and not dismiss our own ethnicities, histories, and lessons
to embrace others. All Africans, wherever in the world, have made
valuable contributions to their countries, whether in the West or
in Africa, and must be viewed and must view themselves as accountable,
responsible agents in the world, not to be acted upon, but to act.
Thus, it means that we must build institutions everywhere in our
image and in our interests. One thing that happens to a people who
lose their god, is that they lose their institutions, their reasons
for being, and their language, and you cannot find the proper strength
to build institutions until you rediscover your cultural center.
Of course, we have many infusions into the African cultural stream
and those infusions must be recognized, given voice, and seen as
a part of creating a new African reality. Nothing remains exactly
the same, but over time changes are often cosmetic, external, not
core changing. Wood may remain in water for ten years, but wood
will never become a crocodile.
We have been condemned for seeking
lexical refinement, but that is exactly the role of any philosophy,
to clarify issues, to discover the hidden pitfalls, and to steer
people around dangers. You cannot refer to Black Africa and White
Africa, you must not speak of Africa South of the Sahara, you should
not talk of issues in the West and East as if there is no South,
you will encounter an Afrocentrist if you speak of pygmies, Hottentots,
and Bushmen. You cannot allow African agency to be assumed by Europe
in the construction of science, history, or art. Why should a Nigerian
write that Mungo Park discovered the Niger River? Did Livingstone
really discover Victoria Falls or did someone bring him to Musi
wa Tunya and he declared out of his own arrogance that he would
rename it Victoria Falls? We have a big job, but it will be done
this millennium.
(5) a powerful imperative from
historical sources to revise the collective text of African
people.
Whether we are on this side or
the other side of the Atlantic we are an African people. There is
no real reason to posit some hypothetical Black Atlantic. The Atlantic
is neither black nor white, it is a deep blue. It is an ocean, and
an ocean is neither a barrier to human interaction nor is it necessarily
a consolidater of the human experience. We remain African though
we become Jamaicans, African British, Haitians, African Americans
or African Costa Ricans.
We must learn from each others
experiences. It is the imposed isolation that has kept us from our
true undestanding of ourselves. When the Haitian intellectual Antenor
Firmin in 1895 wrote his famous book, The Equality of the Human
Races, he was defending all black people, those in the United States,
Brazil, United Kingdom, and Nigeria, against racist assaults and
bias commentary.
I am convinced that the constituent
elements for our recentering are rooted in four general areas of
inquiry:
- Cosmology-- nature of beingness, Ontology,
Mythology;
- Axiology--nature of ethical values;
- Epistemology--nature of knowledge, proofs,
methods; and
- Aesthetics--nature of creative and economic
motifs.
But what are we up against in promoting
a mature understanding of how knowledge is constructed in the West
to encourage racism? Often we are up against strange and bleak careerists
who are writing as if they are writing out of our experiences when,
in fact, their aims are totally distinct from the recentering of
Africans in a human place.
Periodically there appears a book
that runs counter to the wisdom of experience in the African American
community. Against Race by the sociologist Paul Gilroy is just such
a book. Gilroy, a British scholar, who teaches at Yale University,
made a reputation in the states with the postmodern work, The Black
Atlantic. I see this book as a continuation of that work’s attempt
to deconstruct the notion of African identity in the United States
and elsewhere. Of course it runs squarely against the lived experiences
of the African Americans. The history of discrimination against
us in the West, whether the United States or the United Kingdom
or other parts of the western world, is a history of assaulting
our dignity because we are Africans or the descendants of Africans.
This has little to do with whether or not we are on one side of
the ocean or the other. Such false separations, particularly in
the context of white racial hierarchy and domination, are nothing
more than an acceptance of a white definition of blackness. I reject
such a notion as an attempt to isolate Africans in the Americas
from their brothers and sisters on the continent, and of course,
to continue the separations of Africans in Britain from each other.
It is as serious an assault and as misguided as the 1817 Philadelphia
conference that argued that the blacks in the United States were
not Africans but "colored Americans" and therefore should
not return to Africa. To argue as Gilroy does that Africans in Britain
and the United States are part of a "Black Atlantic" is
to argue the "colored American" thesis all over again.
It took us one hundred and fifty years to defeat the notion of the
"colored American" in the United States and I will not
stand idly by and see such misguided notion accepted as fact at
this late date in our struggle to liberate our minds. We are victimized
in the West by systems of thinking, structures of knowledge, ways
of being, that take our Africanity as an indication of inferiority,
something to be overcome. I see this position as questioning the
humanity and the dignity of African people. Despite what looks like
acceptance of Africans on a political level, it is racist at the
core, because it is an acceptance of what whites find acceptable,
that is, the idea that certain blacks are no longer Africans. The
easiest and quickest way in the United States to assume that position
is to say that "you never left anything in Africa" or
"you are not an African nor a black but an American" or
to say "Africa never did anything for me." You become
immediately accepted as an honorary white.
It should be clear that Gilroy’s
new book, Against Race is not a book against racism or racialism,
as perhaps it ought to be, but a book against the idea of race
as an organizing theme in human relations. It is somewhat like the
idea offered a decade or more ago by the conservative critic, Anne
Wortham in her reactionary work, The Other Side of Racism. Like
Wortham, Gilroy argues that the African American spends too much
time on collective events that constitute "race" consciousness
and therefore participates in "militaristic" marches typified
by the Million Man March and the Million Woman March, both of which
were useless in his mind. The only person who could make such a
statement had to be one who did not attend. Unable to see the awesome
power of the collective construction of umoja within the
context of a degenerate racist society, Gilroy prefers to stand
on the sidelines and cast stones at the authentic players in the
arena. This is a reactionary posture. So Against Race cannot be
called an anti-racism book although it is anti-race, especially
against the idea of black cultural identity whether constructed
as race or as a collective national identity.
Let us be clear here, Against Race
is not a book against all collective identities. There is no assault
on Jewish identity, as a religious or cultural identity, nor is
there an attack on French identity or Chinese identity as collective
historical realities. There is no assault on the historically constructed
identity of the Hindu Indian, nor on the white British. Nor should
there be any such assault. But Gilroy, like others of this school,
see the principal culprits as Afrocentrists who retain a complex
love of African culture, consciousness of African ancestry, and
belief in Pan Africanism. In Gilroy’s construction or lack of construction,
there must be something wrong with African Americans because Africa
remains in their minds as a place, a continent, a symbol, a reality
of origin and source of the first step across the ocean when they
are really not African. But Gilroy does not know what he
is talking about here. This leads him to the wrong conclusions about
the African American community. The relationship Africans in the
Americas have with Africa is not of some mythical or a mystical
place. We do not worship unabashedly at the doorsteps of the continent
although we have an active engagement with all that it means. Are
we always conscious of it? Of course not! You will not find all
African Americans walking around the streets of Philadelphia or
Chicago or Los Angeles thinking about engaging Africa, yet we know
almost instantly that when we are assaulted by police, denied venture
capital or criticized for insisting on keeping Europe out of our
consciousness without permission that Africa is at the center of
our existential reality. We are most definitely African, though
modern, contemporary, Africans domiciled in the West.
Actually Gilroy spends a considerable
amount of time in this book explaining how race, a false concept,
"is understood." He writes "Awareness of the indissoluble
unity of all life at the level of genetic materials leads to a stronger
sense of the particularity of our species as a whole, as well as
to new anxieties that the character is being fundamentally and irrevocably
altered" (p. 20). I do not know how Gilroy can move from this
position to indict the African people as the carriers of this anxiety
about "race," clearly a concept that was never promoted
by African people in this country or on the continent. It is essentially
an Anglo-Germanic notion, manufactured and disseminated to promote
the distinctions between peoples and to establish a European hierarchy,
as well as a hierarchy among Europeans themselves. We have no business
with any kind of hierarchy; our business for this millennium is
the recentering and reordering of the African world’s priorities
based on a firm acceptance of Africa’s on role in securing the mutuality
of the human destiny.
When a new generation looks upon
us, may they look upon this generation of Africans with the pride
that comes from knowing that there have been those who stood for
truth and right when it was easier to melt into the crowd of turncoats.
May that new generation take up the same battles and go from victory
to victory until we wipe all forms of human degradation from the
face of the earth.
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